Hot on the heels of the balloon boy incident in Colorado about 10 days ago, the public display of affection by the threesome - Thaksin-Chavalit-Hun Sen -may also go down in the annals of trivia as a hoax.
The Heenes family grabbed worldwide attention by floating an odd-looking balloon and making the spectacle of a six-year-old boy trapped inside it.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen used Pheu Thai Party adviser Chavalit Yongchaiyudh as a conduit to talk about his buddy-buddy ties with fugitive ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra.
The balloon boy incident was exposed as a sham as soon as the balloon ran out of hot air. The brouhaha about the political threesome will not outlast the hot air coming out of Hun Sen's mouth.
Unlike the balloon-boy incident, which ended up as a joke, Thai and Cambodian citizens may find themselves in the predicament of a dealing with a sick joke that causes unwarranted concern over the mutual interests of the two neighbouring countries.
Thaksin, Chavalit and Hun Sen have undoubtedly tried to gain their respective advantages. But are they striving to serve Cambodia and Thailand or individual agendas?
It is a myth that the Thaksin-Hun Sen ties go back decades. The two were never close before Thaksin came to power in 2001.
Chavalit, though a self-proclaimed expert on Cambodian affairs, has never had a personal bond with Hun Sen. He relied on his aide Wichit Yathip to arrange his trip last week to Phnom Penh.
Wichit, in turn, works through Defence Minister Tea Banh instead of directly dealing with Hun Sen.
Because of Thaksin's personal touch to push for Thailand Inc diplomacy, Hun Sen looked to Bangkok in a favourable light to further the interests of Cambodia.
The Thaksin administration tried to advance the joint development of the overlapping sea boundaries and cross-border projects coinciding with the promotion of Thai satellite business.
Then, and now, Hun Sen's motive is consistently benefit-driven and not his personal ties with Thaksin.
At the peak of Thaksin's popularity in 2003, Hun Sen wanted to lessen Thai domination in the wireless commnunications business. He pushed for the granting of an operating licence to a Japanese operator.
This led to a failed coup in Phnom Penh. Cambodian leaders, particularly those in the Hun Sen camp, had lingering doubts about the involvement of certain Thai figures. Soon after, Hun Sen fanned the Cambodian backlash on a Thai television actress. This in turned led to riots and the torching of the Thai Embassy.
To this day Thaksin and Hun Sen still cast suspicion on one another although they have been boasting about their buddy-buddy ties for mutual gains.
It is noteworthy that Thaksin posted a profuse thank-you note on Twitter but made no mention about accepting Hun Sen's offer for an exile haven.
In light of Hun Sen's temperamental wrath as shown in 2003, Thaksin is justified in being cautious. He should doubly be on guard because he has yet to deliver a lucrative deal for Koh Kong development using the investment funds from the Gulf countries.
The deal was reportedly brokered in Phnom Penh during a round of golf after he was ousted from power.
If Hun Sen and Thaksin both are truly buddies, then the exile in Phnom Phen should have already happened.
Hun Sen's remarks on his undying friendship were designed to grab publicity. Chavalit and Thaksin managed to inflate their international stature in the eyes of the red shirts.
What's in it for Hun Sen? As a big fish in Tonle Sap, the Cambodian prime minister may want to flex his might in the uncharted waters of the Chao Phya.
It is no secret that he feels restless over the stalled talks on the overlapping sea boundaries. But transplanting himself into the thick of Thai politics is guaranteed to get a flak instead of achieving anything favourable for Cambodia.
Should Hun Sen want results in dealing with Thais, he ought to emulate the example set by Burmese Prime Minister General Thein Sein. In contrast to Hun Sen's megaphone diplomacy, Thein Sein tactfully sent a bouquet of flowers with a get-well message to His Majesty.
The Heenes family grabbed worldwide attention by floating an odd-looking balloon and making the spectacle of a six-year-old boy trapped inside it.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen used Pheu Thai Party adviser Chavalit Yongchaiyudh as a conduit to talk about his buddy-buddy ties with fugitive ex-premier Thaksin Shinawatra.
The balloon boy incident was exposed as a sham as soon as the balloon ran out of hot air. The brouhaha about the political threesome will not outlast the hot air coming out of Hun Sen's mouth.
Unlike the balloon-boy incident, which ended up as a joke, Thai and Cambodian citizens may find themselves in the predicament of a dealing with a sick joke that causes unwarranted concern over the mutual interests of the two neighbouring countries.
Thaksin, Chavalit and Hun Sen have undoubtedly tried to gain their respective advantages. But are they striving to serve Cambodia and Thailand or individual agendas?
It is a myth that the Thaksin-Hun Sen ties go back decades. The two were never close before Thaksin came to power in 2001.
Chavalit, though a self-proclaimed expert on Cambodian affairs, has never had a personal bond with Hun Sen. He relied on his aide Wichit Yathip to arrange his trip last week to Phnom Penh.
Wichit, in turn, works through Defence Minister Tea Banh instead of directly dealing with Hun Sen.
Because of Thaksin's personal touch to push for Thailand Inc diplomacy, Hun Sen looked to Bangkok in a favourable light to further the interests of Cambodia.
The Thaksin administration tried to advance the joint development of the overlapping sea boundaries and cross-border projects coinciding with the promotion of Thai satellite business.
Then, and now, Hun Sen's motive is consistently benefit-driven and not his personal ties with Thaksin.
At the peak of Thaksin's popularity in 2003, Hun Sen wanted to lessen Thai domination in the wireless commnunications business. He pushed for the granting of an operating licence to a Japanese operator.
This led to a failed coup in Phnom Penh. Cambodian leaders, particularly those in the Hun Sen camp, had lingering doubts about the involvement of certain Thai figures. Soon after, Hun Sen fanned the Cambodian backlash on a Thai television actress. This in turned led to riots and the torching of the Thai Embassy.
To this day Thaksin and Hun Sen still cast suspicion on one another although they have been boasting about their buddy-buddy ties for mutual gains.
It is noteworthy that Thaksin posted a profuse thank-you note on Twitter but made no mention about accepting Hun Sen's offer for an exile haven.
In light of Hun Sen's temperamental wrath as shown in 2003, Thaksin is justified in being cautious. He should doubly be on guard because he has yet to deliver a lucrative deal for Koh Kong development using the investment funds from the Gulf countries.
The deal was reportedly brokered in Phnom Penh during a round of golf after he was ousted from power.
If Hun Sen and Thaksin both are truly buddies, then the exile in Phnom Phen should have already happened.
Hun Sen's remarks on his undying friendship were designed to grab publicity. Chavalit and Thaksin managed to inflate their international stature in the eyes of the red shirts.
What's in it for Hun Sen? As a big fish in Tonle Sap, the Cambodian prime minister may want to flex his might in the uncharted waters of the Chao Phya.
It is no secret that he feels restless over the stalled talks on the overlapping sea boundaries. But transplanting himself into the thick of Thai politics is guaranteed to get a flak instead of achieving anything favourable for Cambodia.
Should Hun Sen want results in dealing with Thais, he ought to emulate the example set by Burmese Prime Minister General Thein Sein. In contrast to Hun Sen's megaphone diplomacy, Thein Sein tactfully sent a bouquet of flowers with a get-well message to His Majesty.
Yes!!! Very Concerning!!! Loved your Blog Layout and your pictures! All the best, xox Julia Saddi
ReplyDelete